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To understand what our society would be as socialist, we must understand the difference between socialist and capitalist ideas.

Capitalism, Socialism or Fascism? - Washington

Fascism is therefore opposed to Socialism …

He believed that socialism is the transitional period between capitalism and communism.
The comparison with the United States' northern neighbor is particularly striking. Canada has an economy structurally comparable to that of the United States, though, of course, much smaller. Its trade union movement currently encompasses over one-third of all employed people. The strength of its socialist movement, the New Democratic party (NDP), in opinion polls, has at times placed it in first place in a three-party race. Over the past two decades, the NDP has governed four provinces, British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Ontario, and Manitoba, as well as the Yukon Territory, and remains in office, as of 2000, in the first two and the Yukon. It, however, declined in the 1990s, receiving twenty-one parliamentary seats and 11 percent of the vote in the 1997 federal election. The Patti Québécois (PQ), a statist and nationalist party, forms the government of Quebec. In the 1970s the PQ applied for membership in the Socialist International, but was rejected because the NDP already represented Canada. These differences within North America, between two wealthy industrialized countries, give renewed life to the issues of why socialism, trade unionism, and class consciousness are weak in the United States.

Two Ways of Looking at Fascism | Socialism and …

When in the now distant March of 1919, speaking through the columns of the Popolo d'Italia I summoned to Milan the surviving interventionists who had intervened, and who had followed me ever since the foundation of the Fasci of revolutionary action in January 1915, I had in mind no specific doctrinal program. The only doctrine of which I had practical experience was that of socialism, from until the winter of 1914 - nearly a decade. My experience was that both of a follower and a leader but it was not doctrinal experience. My doctrine during that period had been the doctrine of action. A uniform, universally accepted doctrine of Socialism had not existed since 1905, when the revisionist movement, headed by Bernstein, arose in Germany, countered by the formation, in the see-saw of tendencies, of a left revolutionary movement which in Italy never quitted the field of phrases, whereas, in the case of Russian socialism, it became the prelude to Bolshevism.


National Socialism and Fascism: Recent Books in Brief

Along with many other commentators on the American scene, the famed German sociologist Max Weber also emphasized that the United States was the only pure bourgeois country; the only one that was not postfeudal, that was without "medieval antecedents or complicating institutional heritage." Similar arguments were made in the 1920s by the most profound Communist theoretician, Antonio Gramsci, who pointed out that America was able to avoid the remnants of mercantilism, statist regulations, church establishment, aristocracy, and sharp status cleavages that postfeudal countries inherited. Both Weber and Gramsci pointed to America's unique origins and consequent value system as a source of its economic and political development. These values encompassed both secular, liberal and America's distinctive, individualistic religious tradition, based on the dominance of the Protestant sects that, as Weber stressed, facilitated the rise of capitalism. Gramsci emphasized that the "difference between Americans and Europeans is determined by the absence of `tradition' in the United States, in so far as tradition also means passive residues of all the social forms eclipsed by past history."

Fascismis now clearly defined not only as a regime but as a doctrine. Thismeans that Fascism, exercising its criticalfaculties on itself and on others, has studied from itsown special standpoint and judged by its own standards all the problemsaffecting the material and intellectual interestsnow causing such grave anxiety to the nations of the world,and is ready to deal with them by its own policies.REJECTION OF PACIFISMFirst of all, as regards the future development of mankind, and quite apart from all present political considerations. Fascism does not, generally speaking, believe in the possibility or utility of perpetual peace. It therefore discards pacifism as a cloak for cowardly supine renunciation in contradistinction to self-sacrifice. War alone keys up all human energies to their maximum tension and sets the seal of nobility on those peoples who have the courage to face it. All other tests are substitutes which never place a man face to face with himself before the alternative of life or death. Therefore all doctrines which postulate peace at all costs are incompatible with Fascism. Equally foreign to the spirit of Fascism, even if accepted as useful in meeting special political situations -- are all internationalistic or League superstructures which, as history shows, crumble to the ground whenever the heart of nations is deeply stirred by sentimental, idealistic or practical considerations. Fascism carries this anti-pacifistic attitude into the life of the individual. " I don't care a damn „ (me ne frego) - the proud motto of the fighting squads scrawled by a wounded man on his bandages, is not only an act of philosophic stoicism, it sums up a doctrine which is not merely political: it is evidence of a fighting spirit which accepts all risks. It signifies new style of Italian life. The Fascist accepts and loves life; he rejects and despises suicide as cowardly. Life as he understands it means duty, elevation, conquest; life must be lofty and full, it must be lived for oneself but above all for others, both near bye and far off, present and future. The population policy of the regime is the consequence of these premises. The Fascist loves his neighbor, but the word neighbor does not stand for some vague and unseizable conception. Love of one's neighbor does not exclude necessary educational severity; still less does it exclude differentiation and rank. Fascism will have nothing to do with universal embraces; as a member of the community of nations it looks other peoples straight in the eyes; it is vigilant and on its guard; it follows others in all their manifestations and notes any changes in their interests; and it does not allow itself to be deceived by mutable and fallacious appearances.

National Socialism and Fascism: ..

Such a conception of life makes Fascism the resolute negation of the doctrine underlying so-called scientific and Marxian socialism, the doctrine of historic materialism which would explain the history of mankind in terms of the class struggle and by changes in the processes and instruments of production, to the exclusion of all else.

Fascism dictionary definition | fascism defined

REJECTION OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY AS A SHAM AND A FRAUDAfter socialism, Fascism trains its guns on the whole block of democratic ideologies, and rejects both their premises and their practical applications and implements. Fascism denies that numbers, as such, can be the determining factor in human society; it denies the right of numbers to govern by means of periodical consultations; it asserts the irremediable and fertile and beneficent inequality of men who cannot be leveled by any such mechanical and extrinsic device as universal suffrage. Democratic regimes may be described as those under which the people are, from time to time, deluded into the belief that they exercise sovereignty, while all the time real sovereignty resides in and is exercised by other and sometimes irresponsible and secret forces. Democracy is a kingless regime infested by many kings who are sometimes more exclusive, tyrannical, and destructive than one, even if he be a tyrant. This explains why Fascism - although, for contingent reasons, it was republican in tendency prior to 1922 - abandoned that stand before the March on Rome, convinced that the form of government is no longer a matter of preeminent importance, and because the study of past and present monarchies and past and present republics shows that neither monarchy nor republic can be judged sub specie aeternitatis, but that each stands for a form of government expressing the political evolution, the history, the traditions, and the psychology of a given country. Fascism has outgrown the dilemma: monarchy v. republic, over which democratic regimes too long dallied, attributing all insufficiencies to the former and proning the latter as a regime of perfection, whereas experience teaches that some republics are inherently reactionary and absolutist while some monarchies accept the most daring political and social experiments.